After losing Francophone West Africa, is Macron using Nigeria to reclaim lost influence?

Last week, President Bola Tinubu was in France for a state visit, the first of a Nigerian President in over two decades, and Nigerians were bombarded with communications—press releases and photographs that spoke ‘highly’ of the newly rediscovered bilateral relations between Africa’s most populous nation and the European country whose influence in Africa has been severely, but rightly, battered in recent years.

It was, if you followed the state visit, hilarious to watch how President Tinubu’s visit, particularly by his media team, was portrayed as another feat by his administration, one that Nigerians should remain eternally grateful for.

Before getting into why France is using Nigeria, through President Tinubu, to seek re-entrance into Africa, specifically West Africa, it could be worthwhile to indulge, briefly, in the trivialities often found on social media that seek to understand—or question—the rationale behind African heads of state being ‘summoned’ by their counterparts for crucial but ‘equal’ bilateral partnerships.

In September, without prior communication to Nigerians, President Tinubu appeared in England to meet with King Charles, with an official statement saying his visit to the Royal “was at the King’s request,” accompanied by a picture showing a beaming Tinubu shaking the equally beaming King.

Similarly, his visit to France was also at the request of Emmanuel Macron, the President of France.

Tinubu, accompanied by his wife, Oluremi, and other key government officials, jetted out to honor Macron’s invitation.

After President Macron tweeted in Pidgin language and Tinubu responded in French—a gesture that seemed to seek attention for this newfound friendship rather than focusing on tangible benefits—a joint statement by the two leaders claimed that Nigeria-France relations were a partnership of equals.

“From our shared perspective, we can very confidently say that we see our relationship as a partnership between equals. Indeed, there are moments in history when countries find themselves driven by shared interests that are well understood and recognized by all. France and Nigeria find themselves at such a pivotal moment.”

If we move away from the rather disturbing trend where African leaders are often summoned for these ‘crucial bilateral partnerships,’ another question to address is: Does Nigeria truly stand to gain from this partnership with France?

It’s a question that demands deeper introspection, especially considering the recent wave of West African countries cutting their ties with Macron-led France.

In the last two years, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger—countries colonized by France and now under military rule due to political instability—have severed ties with the European country.

Part of the reason for these countries cutting ties with France is the perceived interference of France in the political, economic, and security affairs of its former colonies.

There is reason to believe that France indeed interferes in the internal politics of its former colonies, or at least does nothing to better the lives of people living there.

For instance, nearly 80 percent of all coups in Sub-Saharan Africa since 1990 have occurred in Francophone states.

In Niger, ousted President Mohamed Bazoum, who ruled the country from 2021 to 2023 before being forced out of office by a military coup, was considered a puppet of the French government.

In Burkina Faso, the military junta led by Ibrahim Traoré announced that the country was cutting military ties with France.

“We are terminating the agreement which allows French forces to be in Burkina Faso,” Rimtalba Jean Emmanuel Ouedraogo, a government spokesperson, told Radio-Télévision du Burkina in January 2023.

Although the statement stopped short of ending diplomatic relations, Burkina Faso has since shifted its alignment to Russia.

The fallout between Burkina Faso and France comes about a year after Mali ended its defense accord with France, citing what it described as ‘flagrant violations’ of Mali’s sovereignty by French troops.

Last week, Chad, another former French colony, cut military ties with the country.

The only thing that these countries have in common is not just a shared history of colonization but also insecurity and ravaging poverty, despite their long-standing relationships with France.

Just like other colonial powers that committed unforgivable atrocities against their colonies, France extorted, marginalised, and impoverished these countries, with little remorse.

For instance, it took France 80 years to admit that it committed a massacre in Senegal when its troops opened fire on Tirailleurs Sénégalais, a corps of West African infantry in the French Army. These soldiers, who had fought for France during World War II, were demanding unpaid wages when they were shot, despite being largely unarmed.

It should be mentioned that their admission and apology for this crime come in the wake of Chad cutting military ties and their desperate efforts to seek a new form of partnership in the region.

With that in mind, it’s difficult not to question the genuineness of Macron’s apology.

When you juxtapose France’s dark history in its dealings with African countries alongside its current economic and political turmoil, one begins to wonder what exactly France has to offer Nigeria—if Macron’s idea is not to save his country’s battered relationship in Africa by courting the friendship of the region’s most powerful nation.

At home, Macron is facing an intense political crisis. After the July parliamentary election, with his party, Ensemble, failing to win a majority, the 46-year-old has struggled to keep heated tensions at bay.

Today, Wednesday, December 4, the parliamentary body is expected to pass a vote of no-confidence in Michel Barnier, who Macron appointed as Prime Minister three months ago. If this happens, Barnier would be forced to resign, and the country would enter into a political impasse, resulting in the proposed 2025 budget being rejected.

Although Macron’s term lasts until 2027, opposition voices are growing louder in calling for his resignation. Although he has rejected suggestions of stepping down, one wonders how his government, which might not even have a budget entering the new year, could be of value to Nigeria.

Shouldn’t Nigeria be courting partnerships with leaders who at least have a firm grasp of their country’s political affairs?

“It is in our mutual interest to develop thriving creative and cultural industries that will create jobs for Nigerian and French young people. It is in our mutual interest to make sure that the Gulf of Guinea is safe for all economic activities. It is in our mutual interest to strengthen our food systems so that they are stable, secure, and not over-reliant on imports,” the joint statement of France and Nigeria reads in part.

But this, judging from the economic realities of both nations, might be another baseless promise that wouldn’t materialize into any value for Nigerians.

Aside from the political instability Macron’s France is facing, its economic figures, though stable for a few years now, are not particularly encouraging. This year, the economy is projected to grow by just 1.1 percent, while unemployment stands at 7.2 percent, which is higher than Germany (3.5 percent), Norway (4 percent), and even Denmark (6.4 percent).

According to Denis Ferrand, head of the Paris-based economic research institute Rexecode, France, like other European countries, “has become less competitive with Chinese ones, as our production costs have risen by 25 percent since 2019.”

Nigeria, undergoing economic reforms that have caused intense hardship to citizens, is in desperate need of partnerships that will benefit the country and help cushion sufferings. Areas of food security, security, and trade are vital. However, while France certainly has something to offer, the country appears more determined to regain its lost influence in West Africa than to seek the genuine interest of Nigeria.

Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of Neusroom.